Lyndon Johnson Ronald Reagan free essay sample

Compares historical settings, ideologies, strategies, economic social policies, legislation of two presidencies. This research paper describes and contrasts the political ideologies and strategies and the economic and social policies of the presidencies of Lyndon Baines Johnson (1963-1968) and Ronald Reagan (1980-1988). There were some parallels between their presidencies. Both men achieved their greatest legislative accomplishments during their early years in office. They each built successful political coalitions and won landslide mandates for a second term. Neither of them managed the economy well. The contrasts were even more striking. Johnson and Reagan pursued fundamentally different political strategies, economic and social policies because of the conditions they faced, their differing backgrounds, political and management styles and their opposing basic political philosophies and ideologies

Definition and Examples of Polemics

Definition and Examples of Polemics Definition Polemic is a mode of writing or speaking that uses vigorous and combative language to defend or oppose someone or something. Adjectives: polemic and polemical. The art or practice of disputation is called polemics. A person who is skilled in debate or someone who is inclined to argue vehemently in opposition to others is called a polemicist (or, less commonly, a polemist). Enduring examples of polemics in English include John Miltons Aeropagitica (1644), Thomas Paines Common Sense (1776), The Federalist Papers (essays by Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison, 1788-89), and Mary Wollstonecrafts A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792). Examples and observations of polemics are given below. Some other terms that are related to and some that may be confused with polemics include: ArgumentArgumentationConfrontational RhetoricCritiqueEncomiumInvective Etymology: From the Greek, war, warlike Pronunciation: po-LEM-ic Examples and Observations I am in general of the opinion that the best polemic is the perfect presentation of a new point of view. (Finnish folklorist Kaarle Krohn, quoted in Leading Folklorists of the North, 1970)Polemics are certainly necessary at times, but they are only justified by being necessary; otherwise they produce more heat than light. (Richard Strier, Resistant Structures: Particularity, Radicalism, and Renaissance Texts. University of California Press, 1995)[George Bernard Shaw] is a poet of polemics, as Einstein seems to have felt when he compared the movement of Shavian dialogue to Mozarts music. His polemics are therefore the more dangerous, for polemics are nothing but the art of skilled deception. A prime device of polemics is the either/or pattern, against which so much has been said in recent times, often by great polemicists. Shaw is a great polemicist in his skilled deployment of antithesis.(Eric Bentley, The Playwright as a Thinker, 1946. Rpt. by University of Minnesota Press, 2010) Why Polemic Has a Bad Name in the Academic World Polemic has a bad name in the humanities academy. Reasons for avoiding or seeking to discredit polemic arent always articulated, yet they surely include these: polemic disrupts the shared endeavours of the academy and preempts the civil or technical discourses of professionalism; polemic is a short cut to professional recognition typically chosen by those whose ambition outruns their achievement; conversely, polemic is the last resort of major figures in decline, seeking to maintain their professional dominance; polemic is a cheap, often trivial, substitute for real intellectual production; polemic belongs to the sphere of public journalism, where careers can be made on the basis of verbal aggression alone; polemic caters to the unseemly pleasures of cruelty and malice; polemic tends to become compulsive and consuming. Such reasons, or perhaps only intuitions, suffice to create an aversion to polemic, at least in the U.S. academy; they also tend to render polemic ethically suspect, w ith whatever intellectual justifications it is pursued...If, in fact, polemic has become increasingly discredited in the academy during the past 30 years, is it just a coincidence that the trend coincided with a broader academic rejection of violence in the post-colonial, post-Vietnam era? (Jonathan Crewe, Can Polemic Be Ethical? Polemic: Critical Or Uncritical, ed. by Jane Gallop. Routledge, 2004) Explicit vs. Hidden Polemics A polemic is considered to be direct when its subject is explicitly mentioned and the stance taken therein is also explicitthat is, when there is no need to search it out in order to draw conclusions...A polemic is hidden when its subject is not explicitly mentioned, or when it is not mentioned in the expected, conventional formulation. Through various hints, the reader is left with the feeling that a double effort has been made within the text: on the one hand- to conceal the subject of the polemic, that is, to avoid its explicit mention; on the other- to leave certain traces within the text...that through various means will lead the reader to the hidden subject of the polemic. (Yaira Amit, Hidden Polemics in Biblical Narrative, trans. by Jonathan Chipman. Brill, 2000) The Introduction to Common Sense, a Polemic by Thomas Paine Perhaps the sentiments contained in the following pages are not yet sufficiently fashionable to procure them general favor; a long habit of not thinking a thing wrong, gives it a superficial appearance of being right, and raises at first a formidable outcry in defense of custom. But the tumult soon subsides. Time makes more converts than reason. As a long and violent abuse of power is generally the means of calling the right of it in question (and in matters too which might never have been thought of, had not the sufferers been aggravated into the inquiry), and as the King of England hath undertaken in his own right to support the Parliament in which he calls theirs, and as the good people of this country are grievously oppressed by the combination, they have an undoubted privilege to inquire into the pretensions of both, and equally to reject the usurpation of either. In the following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided everything which is personal among ourselves. Compliments as well as censure to individuals make no part thereof. The wise and the worthy need not the triumph of a pamphlet: and those whose sentiments are injudicious or unfriendly, will cease of themselves, unless too much pains are bestowed upon their conversion.The cause of America is, in a great measure, the cause of all mankind. Many circumstances have, and will arise, which are not local, but universal, and through which the principles of all lovers of mankind are affected, and in the event of which their affections are interested. The laying a country desolate with fire and sword, declaring war against the natural rights of all mankind, and extirpating the defenders thereof from the face of the earth, is the concern of every man to whom nature hath given the power of feeling; of which class, regardless of party censure, isTHE AUTHOR. -Philadelphia, February 14, 1776 (Thomas Paine, Common Sense) In January 1776 Thomas Paine released Common Sense, adding his voice for public consideration over the deteriorating British-American situation. The sheer volume of issues alone attests to the pamphlets demand and suggests a significant impact on colonial thought. [It was reprinted] over fifty times before the year was out, accounting for over five hundred thousand copies...The immediate effect of Common Sense was to break a deadlock between a minority of colonial leaders who wished to form an independent American state and the majority of leaders who sought reconciliation with the British. (Jerome Dean Mahaffey, Preaching Politics. Baylor University Press, 2007) John Stuart Mill on the Abuses of Polemics The worst offence of this kind which can be committed by a polemic is to stigmatize those who hold the contrary opinion as bad and immoral men. To calumny of this sort, those who hold any unpopular opinion are peculiarly exposed, because they are in general few and uninfluential, and nobody but themselves feels much interest in seeing justice done them; but this weapon is, from the nature of the case, denied to those who attack a prevailing opinion: they can neither use it with safety to themselves, nor, if they could, would it do anything but recoil on their own cause. In general, opinions contrary to those commonly received can only obtain a hearing by studied moderation of language, and the most cautious avoidance of unnecessary offence, from which they hardly ever deviate even in a slight degree without losing ground: while unmeasured vituperation employed on the side of the prevailing opinion, really does deter people from professing contrary opinions, and from listening to thos e who profess them. For the interest, therefore, of truth and justice, it is far more important to restrain this employment of vituperative language than the other... (John Stuart Mill, On Liberty, 1859)

Assignment 4.3 Answering Questions P153& P 160 Essay

Assignment 4.3 Answering Questions P153& P 160 - Essay Example en if athletes are the point of interest in the Olympic Games, yet there are ways through which the rights of the athletes can be protected without necessarily supporting actions of countries whose actions are an affront to the goals of the Olympics. There are several efforts that the author concerts, as a way of providing his viewpoints with evidence. He quotes authorities in social sciences and political studies such as Anita DeFrantz and Tim Wendel to validate his claims and propositions, respectively. He also adduces historical and diplomatic realities to validate his viewpoints. For example, he mentions: China’s invasion of Tibet in 1950s; China attenuating democratic space and suppressing liberty presently; and China being Sudan’s supplier of arms and chief buyer of Sudan’s oil. One of the views (Reader’s view of the situation) stresses that boycotting Olympics is not the solution to the problems that undermine the goals and essence of the games. The view divulges that instead, boycotts frustrate the interests of the athletes themselves. The antithesis of this view is that even though boycotts may undermine the interests of athletes, yet, the failure to address a host country’s injustices is a threat to the promise of peace. The writer sufficiently acknowledges these opposing views by: discussing their essence and viability; issuing examples to underscore these views (for instance Russia and China’s political stance towards human rights are repeatedly referred to); and suggesting and qualifying the panacea to the problem. The conclusion emphasizes the ineffectiveness of boycotts in tackling injustices, the injurious pitfalls of holding Olympic Games in repressive host countries, and a possible nostrum to the problem as being workable. This nostrum (proposition) is establishing permanent Olympic sites in countries that uphold the values that these Olympic Games promote. Traditional arguments would make the essay different by arguing that

Supply Chain Management and Logistics Assignment

Supply Chain Management and Logistics - Assignment Example The researcher states that developing an interest in logistics benefits should be the sole interest of Toyota logistics sector, which is portrayed by an absence of professionalism. The criteria for selecting a logistics administration supplier are evolving. Clients have exchanged their center at least conceivable costs for administrations to unwavering quality. Because of the business shift from the expense, determined to quality-determined within a brief period of time, the systems for logistics administration suppliers need to incorporate more adaptability, better value security, higher transparency and expanded professionalism, keeping in mind the end goal to meet the tests. The move methodology created supply fastens to end up more dynamic, reflecting the flimsy additionally very guaranteeing business. Partnerships with outside accomplices, co-operation, and joint stock organizations are currently the way to go through. The new supply chains are a mixture of novel components join ed with old various leveled plans of existing connections and associations. Toyota should adopt Omni-channel systems by focusing to change organization which is the execution of developments relating to heightening delivery. The way to go is Omni-channel configuration, which is propelling impact of having attributes and information open over all channels. The organization incorporates leveraging customer experience chances, process upgrades, and a new arrangement for adoption. One explanation behind changing supply chains are new circulation methodologies, which are controlled by expanding client administration desires, developed business sector scope, immediate channel structures, long-haul channel connections, and developing gainfulness, stabilization, and vindication. Directors should unequivocally characterize the aspects and necessities of any key organization. Exact methods and guidelines must be created with the goal, control, and consistency of yield increment across all the departments.

English 2 - IP 5 Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

English 2 - IP 5 - Research Paper Example Teenagers who are 18 years old are still studying and are therefore highly involved in academic work. At this age, they should be studying rather than engaging in vices. Legalizing alcohol at this stage will distract the teenager from his or her academic life. That instead of focusing on their studies, teenagers will turn into vices and will instead end up losing direction in their academic work because of alcohol (Vick, 2010). Prohibiting alcohol at this age ensures that teenagers will remain focus on their studies and graduate school. It is not advisable for teenagers to drink alcohol at an early age because alcoholism is an expensive habit which may be unaffordable to many teenagers. If teenagers will be allowed to drink at age 18 and get hooked with the habit, they may look for other ways to finance their habit. Thus, legalizing alcoholism at the age of 18 will lead young adults looking to illicit activities as they look for money to sustain their vice (Vick, 2010). This is a dangerous path for teenagers who are still in school because this could lead to bigger crimes just to fund their vice and therefore alcohol should be banned among 18 year olds. Alcohol does not only ruin teenagers study and future through crime but also has a negative effect on this health. Alcohol exposes the drinker to diseases such as cirrhosis (OMalley, & Wagenaar, 1991) and other diseases such liver cancer. These diseases reduce the life expectancy period of a person if the allowable drinking will be reduced to 18 years. Allowing teenagers to start drinking early also runs the danger of making them alcoholics who are addicted to the substance of alcohol that ruins every aspect of their lives ranging from their studies, their personal life, their health and ultimately, their future. Sources 1: OMalley, P. M., & Wagenaar, A. C. (1991). Effects of minimum drinking age laws on alcohol use, related behaviors and traffic crash involvement

Impact of Diplomacy on International Security Systems

Impact of Diplomacy on International Security Systems How can diplomacy contribute to the enhancement of security in the  International system? Please carry out an in-depth analysis of at least one case study. Diplomacy has gone a long way towards the enhancement of security in the international system and its potential to continue to do so is substantial. Diplomacy has served to diffuse many of the situations where countries’ diametrically opposed viewpoints have posed a threat to world security. Diplomatic actors have learnt lessons and have been able to refine the diplomatic strategies used to manage international security through their involvement in the resolution of situations where security in the international system has been threatened. Take for example the Cuban Missile Crisis, where diplomatic efforts averted a nuclear catastrophe in the height of the Cold War. More recently, multi-lateral diplomatic efforts have diffused the substantial threat posed by the ambitions of the North Koreans to expand their nuclear capabilities. At the time of writing, diplomatic efforts are fervently attempting to resolve the growing threat of military strikes against Iran. In can be argued therefore, that in the face of globalisation, the security of the world is increasingly linked to reliable systems of communication and trust between nation states; systems which are sustained through diplomacy. This is not to say that diplomacy is an infallible tool which can be used to enhance security at international level. One only has to look at the failure of diplomatic efforts to avert the war in Iraq, the continued negotiations between Israel and the PLO and those diplomatic efforts which failed to resolve the tension in the Balkans before civil war erupted in order to evidence this viewpoint. However, when considered in overall terms diplomacy has made great inroads in the enhancement of security internationally and has the potential to continue to do so. Perhaps it can be argued that diplomacy is not always a reactionary method of averting crisis; it has an all important role in increasing global security in a pre-emptive way as well. Therefore, diplomacy when understood ‘in the round’ is the lifeblood of any system of trust and communication which is intended to enhance security in the international system, and diplomacy therefore contributes greatly to the enhanceme nt of security in the international system. To understand diplomacy and how it contributes to the enhancement of security in the international system, it is perhaps wise to ask the following questions: what is the exact definition of diplomacy?; what is the exact definition of security?; and; how exactly does diplomacy enhance security in the international system? These questions will be addressed during the course of this essay. Also, in terms of analysing how exactly diplomacy can enhance security in the international system it is perhaps useful to explain the role of agencies and alliances like to IAEA, NATO, the EU, the United Nations and the Security Council which promote the enhancement of security internationally by relying on diplomatic efforts. These agencies will be looked at, and their roles will be explained during the course of the essay. Most importantly however are the theoretical underpinnings of why and how diplomacy functions, and these will be addressed in the essay. The theories of Realism and Neo-Realism w ill be examined in the context of diplomacy and security enhancement in an international context as they are useful springboards to help explain the concept of diplomacy and human interaction at the most basic of levels. A case study will be looked at in the essay and it will be explained in relation to the above mentioned issues. The subject of the case study will be North Korea and the diplomatic efforts that have served to avert what was potentially a nuclear crisis. As Fierke (2005) observes, diplomacy can be described as negotiation in an international setting that is often conducted by a mediator who acts as a go-between between the actors seeking to reach agreement. Diplomacy requires subtle and sophisticated communication strategies as well as statesmanship and a good understanding of public affairs. Security is the state of being free from injury and immediate danger. Most situations which pose a threat to international security and which call for diplomatic efforts require ad hoc responses at differing levels from those best equipped and best positioned to intervene diplomatically. No country would find it easy to achieve diplomatic objectives alone, and this fact is evidenced by the existence and the successes of international agencies and alliances which promote diplomatic relations and interventions. The agencies often have common objectives and often act together in order to achieve these. The International Atomic Energy Agency exists to scrutinise the security threats that may be posed by countries who wish to advance their nuclear weapons programs. It has a supervisory as well as a diplomatic function. The European Union, first established to promote economic stability in Western European Countries, has expanded to serve an increasingly diplomatic function. Alliances like the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) have more peace-keeping responsibilities and are frequently called upon to preserve peace, so that diplomatic efforts can continue in situations of political and military instability. The United Nations and the Security Council have perhaps the most significant roles, when compared to the rest of these agencies. These organisations were formed to engender peace and diplomacy in a global context, and they have particular powers for example, the power to impose sanctions on those countries that are considered to be posing a threat to international security. The diplomatic deployment of these agencies can contribute and has contributed to the enhancement of security in the international system. However, to fully understand the function of diplomacy and how it can enhance security in the international system, it is useful to take a speculative look at how the world might work in the absence of diplomacy. A good place to start in this endeavour is perhaps to examine the theories of Realism and Neo-Realism and how they relate to the ideas of international security and diplomacy. Realism and Neo-Realism are discourses which seek to explain how power in the context of international relations may be seen through the lens of human propensity. They may help one to rationalise diplomacy as they seek to explain human nature and how this idea influences the accrual and preservation of power in the international system. Machiavellian adages such as ‘better feared than loved’ explain the classical realists’ viewpoint that power is, simply, the prize of those who inspire fear in others most effectively[i]. Morgenthau, a classical realist suggested that: i)International relations is propelled by a set of objective, rational laws that reflect unchanging human nature; ii)Interest is ‘defined in terms of power’ and therefore international politics must be understood as operating outside the spheres of moral and ethical concerns; iii)The definition of interest in terms of power is universally true and remains a consistent point of reference which can be used to understand events in international politics; iv)National interest takes precedence over moral concerns, and therefore states are permitted to act rationally, at all times in order to protect national interests; v)States try to behave morally. However, immoral actions can be pursued in the national interest; vi) Political considerations must be understood singularly, as a primary concern, because interest is defined in terms of power. The theory of Realism therefore regards power as a dynamic that cannot exist independently of human characteristics such as selfishness and competitiveness. Realists would also argue that power must be relinquished if one pursues a course of action which does not involve behaving selfishly, competitively and ruthlessly. Therefore, a realist would argue that diplomacy cannot contribute to the enhancement of security in the international system as the theory of Realism assumes that the pursuit of diplomacy is not only axiomatic to the effective accrual of power, but sees benevolence and diplomacy as both pointless and naive. Neo-Realism on the other hand has a more sophisticated view of how diplomacy can contribute to the enhancement of security in the international system. It has evolved as a more contemporary, more widely accepted rationale and explains power and international security by focusing more on the role of international states in politics, than on the role of human nature. Neo-Realism explains the distribution of power internationally in terms of anarchy, and the absence of centralised authority structures. In the absence of these central authority structures, international actors are forced to follow a route of self preservation which involves behaving competitively, and involves using diplomatic skills like co-operation if these serve to augment their security relative to other states. Therefore when North Korea announced that it intended to withdraw from the thirty-two year old nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in 2003, neo-realist diplomacy is largely what led to their recent announ cement that they would cease their nuclear proliferation objectives in exchange for compensation. The North Koreans have also stated that is it important to maintain a good relationship with the United States. However, how has this diplomatic success story enhanced security in the international system? The answer is that diplomacy enhances security in the international system by identifying and building channels of communication with extremist regimes and other international actors who could pose a potential threat to international security. International security is enhanced by identifying what the best ways to communicate with these actors are. Evidence to support this viewpoint can be seen by again turning to look at the situation in North Korea. North Korea has long been an insular regime, devoted to the rejection of Western values and traditions. George W Bush has even identified North Korea as being part of the ‘axis of evil’ described in a now famous speech about the ‘war on terror’. However, Western diplomacy and communication with North Korea is not something that came about simply to resolve the 2003 nuclear crisis. Diplomacy has been a long running strategy between North Korea and the West. For example, the diplomatic efforts that helped to diff use the historical long running tension between North and South Korea have created the diplomatic bedrock which was capitalised upon when the 2003 North Korean nuclear crisis emerged. The multi-lateral discussions that led to the eventual resolution of the crisis involved Japan and South Korea; countries that the West has spent years building diplomatic channels of communication with. It is important therefore to understand that diplomacy is not just about communication strategies or strategies that come into play as a reaction to a crisis; diplomacy is about the forming and preserving of relationships and the building of trust and co-operation between international states. It is only when diplomacy is understood in this context that the writer’s argument that diplomacy can contribute to the enhancement of security in the international system gains credibility. To conclude, it has been argued in this essay that diplomacy can contribute in many ways to the enhancement of security in the international system. Past diplomatic initiatives and past diplomatic successes have been examined and extrapolated in support of this argument. North Korea has been used as a case study to illustrate the writer’s argument. The theoretical relationships between diplomacy, power, international security and human nature have been examined in depth by looking at the theories of Realism and Neo-Realism, and this helped to explain the growing importance of sophisticated diplomatic strategies in enhancing security in the international system. Most importantly this emphasis served to explain and illustrate the many ways in which diplomacy can contribute to the enhancement of security in the international system. Bibliography Books: Buzan, B, Jones, C, Little, R. The Logic of Anarchy: Neorealism to Structural Realism. Columbia University Press, New York. 1993. Chang, G. Nuclear Showdown: North Korea takes on the World. Hutchinson. 2006. Fierke, K. Diplomatic Interventions. Palgrave Macmillan. 2005. Griffiths, M. Realism, Idealism, and International Politics: A Reinterpretation. Routledge, New York. 1992. Articles: Bellamy, A . Globalisation, Security and International Order after 11 September. Beeson, M, The Australian Journal of Politics and History. Volume 49. Issue 3. 2003. p339+. Falk, R. The Pursuit of International Justice: Present Dilemmas and an Imagined Future. Journal of International Affairs. Volume 52. Issue 2. 1999. p409+. Genest, M. Realism and the Problem of Peaceful Change. Perspectives on Political Science. Volume 23. Issue 2. 1994. p70+. Greenberg, J. Does Power Trump Law?. Stanford Law Review. Volume 55. Issue 5. 2003. p1789+. Heady, F. Comparative and International Public Administration: Building Intellectual Bridges. Public Administration Review. Volume 58. Issue 1. 1998. p32+. Lieb, D. The Limits of Neorealism: Marginal States and International Relations Theory. Harvard International Review, Volume 26, 2004. Newmann, W. Causes of Change in National Security Processes: Carter, Reagan, and Bush Decision Making on Arms Control. Presidential Studies Quarterly. Volume 31. Issue 1. 2001. p69. Watson, B. The Politics of Confusion in International Relations Theory. Perspectives on Political Science. Volume 25. Issue 1. 1996. p6+. Zumbrunnen, J. Courage in the Face of Reality: Nietzsches Admiration for Thucydides. Polity. Volume 35. Issue 2. 2002. p237+. Newspaper and Magazine Articles: Freedman, L. International Security: Changing Targets. Foreign Policy. Issue 110. Spring 1998. p48+. Shuja, S. The Historical Myopia of International Relations. Contemporary Review. Volume 278. Issue 1620. January 2001. p18. Waller, J. National Security. Insight on the News. Volume 15. Issue 39. October 25, 1999. p10. 1 [i] Aristotle’s definition of legal rationality as ‘reason free from passion’ also conveys the realist’s vision of morality and rationality as distinct spheres, which too, is a predicate of Realism.

The Influence of The History of Rasselas on A Vindication of the Rights

The Influence of The History of Rasselas on A Vindication of the Rights of Woman  Ã‚  Ã‚        Ã‚   A surprising commonality found between Johnson's The History of Rasselas, Prince of Abissinia and Wollstonecraft's A Vindication of the Rights of Woman is their shared views on women's issues. This commonality is surprising since the two authors had different political viewpoints. While Johnson was a conservative Tory, Wollstonecraft was a social nonconformist and feminist. Although Wollstonecraft and Johnson adhered to different political agendas, Wollstonecraft revered many of Johnson's literary works. One example of Wollstonecraft's admiration of Johnson is found in her uncompleted short story "Cave of Fancy". Wollstonecraft began writing "Cave of Fancy" in 1786 and based it on Johnson's Rasselas. Like Rasselas, the setting of "Cave of Fancy" is "an unnamed fairy-tale realm where characters remain untouched by everyday concerns" (Conger 61). The similarities between the two works are apparent in their opening lines. Johnson addresses the reader of Rasselas with the following statement: Ye who listen with credulity to the whispers of fancy, and persue with eagerness the phantoms of hope; who expect that age will perform the promises of youth, and that the deficiencies of the present day will be supplied by the morrow; attend to the history of Rasselas prince of Abissinia. (1) The influence of Johnson is apparent in Wollstonecraft's opening lines: Ye who expect constancy where every thing is changing, and peace in the midst of tumult, attend to the voice of experience, and mark in time the footsteps of disappointment; or life will be lost in desultory wishes, and death arrive before the dawn of wisdom. (Basker 43) ... .... Although Johnson and Wollstonecraft focus on women's issues for different reasons in Rasselas and Vindication, the necessity for an increase in women's education in the 18th century is apparent in both works. Both authors agree that a woman needs to be educated in order for society to progress. For Wollstonecraft, women's education is needed for the success of the family. For Johnson, women's education is needed for society's progress as a whole.    Works Cited Basker, James. Women Writers, Marginal Texts, and the Eighteenth-Century Canon. New York: Clarendon, 1996. Conger, Syndy. Mary Wollstonecraft and the Language of Sensibility. New York: Associated UP, 1994. Johnson, Samuel. The History of Rasselas, Prince of Abissinia. New York: Oxford UP, 1998. Wollstonecraft, Mary. A Vindication of the Rights of Woman. New York: Norton, 1988.